KOSOVO AND METOHIJA

Baden, Austria, 27 November 2007

PRESIDENT TADIĆ'S SPEECH AT THE NEGOTIATIONS ON THE FUTURE STATUS OF KOSOVO AND METOHIJA IN BADEN

Excellencies,

It is only a few days ago that we met in Brussels.

Now we are together again to try to find a solution to the Kosovo crisis.

In Brussels, you had the chance to hear from the Prime Minister, myself and our negotiating team a series of ideas that we have elaborated. These were presented in good faith. I hope that in this meeting in Baden we can take them a step further.

In our last meeting we discussed some examples from other parts of the world that could help us arrive at a negotiated solution.

We are not offering ideas to delay this process. In fact, we have offered these examples to help give momentum to our negotiations. I believe it is in our collective interest to examine all possibilities and lessons. Out of each example we can find possibly something new that can open up a path for us to find common ground.

The last 60 years of European history have offered us unprecedented opportunities and examples of how to accommodate sovereignty and self-governance. They have demonstrated how we can embrace poorer regions and lead them to prosperity.

The vision and the method that is provided by the history of Europe since 1945 allows us to aspire to a future in which we can all give something of ourselves to achieve a greater good.

I see three essential aspects that must be drawn together. One, we must examine the realities on the ground. Two, we must see what other examples provide us to help achieve our objectives. And, three, we must remember that the collective goal for the region is to find solutions that make us better prepared for a future in the European Union.

Excellencies,

I do believe that the moment has arrived when we must review carefully the journey that has been taken in the last two years. The moment for realism is with us.

I will be very frank with you. The task we face is to bridge today’s realities with a future which I hope will be soon the European Union.

In the last two years, many of our discussions have confused aspirations for assumptions.

Kosovo is multi-ethnic, it has been asserted. We Serbs have no choice but to reject this proposition. Any objective assessment shows that minorities live in ghettos in Kosovo. Will these be permanent? Pristina has been emptied of all Serbs. Around two hundred thousand Serbs from Kosovo have left since 1999. With all respect: if you want multi-ethnicity then come to Serbia proper. Watch how we manage a country from Subotica to Novi Pazar to Presevo – that is multi-ethnicity. We offer the same to Kosovo because we have demonstrated in practice our ability to be truly multi-ethnic.

Kosovo has become a profoundly segregated society in the last eight years. Physically, I see an un-mixing of populations in Kosovo. But I ask you, what will happen if there is a unilateral declaration of independence, as I keep hearing? What do you expect Serbs to do? You cannot threaten people to co-exist; you will only end up frightening them into separation.

We have been told that Serbia should promote the participation of Serbs in Kosovo institutions and elections. But participation presumes trust and security. If these do not hold – and they do not – then participation becomes collaboration in an unknown fate. Repeatedly, we have asked that standards be implemented. Unfortunately, this has not happened.

We are assured that there should be internal displaced persons return. How many have returned? Why are we still waiting after eight years for an answer to this? Serbia is home to almost 500,000 refugees and displaced. Around 200, 000 are from Kosovo. The story is of people too scared to return.

We have heard that the two parties to this dispute can never agree. I totally disagree. That is propaganda designed to force an agreement imposed on the parties. We can agree. There are many ways to arrive at a solution. There are many formulas for a solution.

Today, instead, we have a new formula for pressure. We have moved from the threat of an imposed solution to one of unilateral decisions. This would be profoundly destabilising. Surely, unilateral action invites symmetrical behaviour. Unilateralism is not the monopoly of any one side and it can take many forms.

Finally, I want to remind everyone that Serbia today is a democratic nation. Our region needs democratic solutions and a democratic process. That calls for patience and compromise. I have said it before and I repeat it now: the Albanian population has the opportunity to benefit from our political and economic advance by being associated with Serbia, not isolated from us.

Excellencies,

We are at a fork in the road.

As President of Serbia, as President of a country that wants stability and prosperity in our region, I ask you all to consider the realities. Our region must proceed to solutions based on compromise.

Serbia has offered a variety of ideas. We are ready to debate all aspects of our proposal. We are ready to entertain any other idea that can help us arrive at a compromise.

Let me make several points here that may be timely and necessary:

First: relations between Serbs and Albanians have been embittered. I recognize this fully. And I understand the Albanian desire for self-governance. However, the opportunity to find reconciliation in the last eight years has been missed. So, it is understandable that Serbs in Kosovo would also seek self-governance.

Second: there are many parts of the world, and in Europe, where a great majority of members of an ethnic group have sought secession. And this is never granted. Is secession a right in the new democratic order of Europe where groups can retain their rights, identity and self-governance? Are we still living with the 19th century nationalisms or the new opportunities offered by an integrated Europe? What example are we setting with the assumption that secession and independence are the only course of action?

Third: We should acknowledge that, in fact, there has been some cooperation. Lately, there have been considerable efforts, at my insistence, to resolve the tragic issue of missing persons. This cooperation should continue.

I believe there is a basis for compromise. The elements of this compromise are simple:

Serbia offers to Kosovo most competencies and symbols that are normally reserved only for sovereign countries.

Serbia maintains the right to associate herself with province’s foreign policy, defence, border control and the protection of Serbian heritage. As such, Serbia also reserves the right to exclusive representation in the United Nations, the OSCE and the Council of Europe. Serbia also requires that there be no army but accepts a gendarmerie to ensure domestic law and order in Kosovo.

Agreements would exist between Belgrade and Pristina to ensure the protection of the rights of ethnic communities and, in the case of the Serbs, their relationship with the institutions in Belgrade.

Within each of these competencies, the International Community Representative would have his or her own jurisdiction. And methods of joint cooperation between Belgrade and Pristina would have to be elaborated.

In this model, there would be mutual concessions. The implementation would be supervised and guaranteed by the international community.

The benefits for Kosovo would be immediate and considerable:

1. Kosovo would be officially self-governing, with full consent of Belgrade

2. Relations with Kosovo Serbs would improve, reversing the current and potential reality of physical separation between the communities,

3. Kosovo would have access to international financial institutions and other international and regional organizations except the UN, OSCE and Council of Europe. This would provide Kosovo with legitimacy in international and other lending institutions,

4. Kosovo would have trade and cultural representative offices abroad,

5. Kosovo would have its own flag, anthem and national teams as they are accepted by international sporting federations,

6. Relations with Serbia would be normalized thus enhancing the prospects for stability and development of Kosovo,

7. Kosovo’s integration into the network of official regional relations and with Serbia would accelerate European integration. Serbia is prepared to ask for benefits of its relationship with the EU to be enjoyed by Kosovo.

I appeal on Kosovo Albanian delegation and the international community to seriously take into account Serbia’s proposal.

It is my firm belief that if such framework would be accepted, it would be possible to proceed down the path of negotiation to a mutually beneficial result.

Excellencies,

We must stop feeding illusions if we want to build a secure future in our region.

The choice is between unilateral action or some form of negotiated solution. I hope I have made clear the risks of unilateral action. These are not issues of sentiment. They are certainties.

Serbia has offered a variety of ideas. I have tried today to remind us all of the realities – the inescapable truths that confront us. We are ready to debate all aspects of our proposal.

Thank you.